After U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi visited Taiwan on Aug 2, China responded by conducting provocative military drills around the island for four days.  And continued to exert heavy military pressure on Taiwan after the exercises. Beijing’s bellicose rhetoric has since lessened though. But a fresh military escalation by China may worsen the situation in the Taiwan Strait.

There has been a flood of panicked media coverage and expert analysis that was extremely critical of Pelosi’s visit seen by some sections as jeopardizing American national security. Congressional and administration stalwarts, however, criticized China for overreacting and for attempting to reverse rising U.S. support for Taiwan. The post-visit discussions highlighted significant divisions over the American foreign policy towards China and Taiwan.

Bipartisan majorities in Congress closely collaborated with Trump and Biden administrations to hardening of U.S. policy. It created a “whole of government” effort to counter Beijing’s security, economic, and governance challenges.  This so-called Washington Consensus is one side of the U.S. debate.

Arrayed on the other side are numerous Chinese Americans with significant institutional and personal interests in close cooperation with China besides pundits of all shades, big commercial and investment organisations, and high technology specialists.

These sections are against US hardening its stance towards China as also increased support for Taiwan.

Their contention? ‘America’s China policy is founded on an exaggerated perception of Chinese challenges.’

A fall-out of this narrative is the view that the Washington consensus vis-à-vis Beijing is detrimental to U.S. economic growth and innovation, and that it raises the risk of war between the two countries.

The arrival of Xi Jinping as the numero uno on the China scene has popped up two issues, which, since 2018, have come to be viewed as exceptionally grave existential risks to the basic safety and security of the United States.

One: Beijing’s attempt to subvert American might and influence in Asia and the Pacific and jump into the driver’s seat.

Two: A very calibrated campaign by Xi’s egg-heads to seize control of upcoming high-tech industry, which is of great importance for contemporary national security.  

Supporting Taiwan as a crucial American ally in overcoming these obstacles ranks high on the priority list.

Establishing U.S.-China bonhomie that is agreeable to both parties is desirable. Also the demand that Washington must thoroughly comprehend and factor in Beijing’s worries over U.S. intentions toward Taiwan.

China has a set of its own red lines, and the jingoism on display in the Middle Kingdom reflects its innate fears of Biden Breach of these redlines during Láffaire Pelosi.

There is a view, which has many takers in Taipei and Washington, that America’s commitments to China have weakened its support for Taiwan.

Not suddenly but over time, especially from the Clinton era that had witnessed a major Taiwan Strait crisis (1995–1996) precipitated by Chinese provocations.

The Clinton administration sharply turned against Taiwan and privately accommodated Beijing, moving on to lift restrictions put in place after the 1989 Tiananmen massacre. And welcomed a summit meeting long sought by Chinese leadership.   

It was no more than a bizarre response, more so as the intermittent display of Chinese military power lasted as many as nine months.

The Chinese muscle flexing should have made the Clinton White House to send two aircraft carrier battle groups to engage PLA forces threatening Taiwan. It did not happen for reasons securely wrapped in the Clintonian mysticism that believed in its own rhetoric – ‘it is economy, stupid.’

Prioritizing U.S. comfort to Beijing over Taiwan looks out of place to many in the Congress and the administration who are focused on protecting the Eldorado of the world from the Communist desperado.  More so since Barack Obama administration’s attempts to reassure Xi Jinping regime were mostly unsuccessful. In fact, the Obama overtures were perceived as enabling Chinese exploitation and manipulation.

Biden Presidency has come up with its own pug marks while taking the Dragon’s roar in its stride, and drawing lessons from Russia’s Ukraine war.

Beijing’s outspoken resistance to censure the Putin regime and to provide Ukraine with cutting-edge American weapons has strengthened Biden’s determination to confront China. And, to rally more stridently in support of beleaguered Taiwan.

Result: The Inflation Reduction Act, and the multi-billion-dollar Chips and Science Act. 

Both legislation highlight the bipartisan support to a resolve to challenge Beijing when it is reeling under a natural disaster – drought and heat wave, and a man-made disaster – zero covid policy that is taking “an enormous economic and psychological toll on the population,” according to Eva Dou – Vic Chiang dispatch in The Washington Post. 

Increased frequency of US lawmakers’ travels to Taipei is a natural corollary two weeks after Pelosi’s visit that saw China spew fire and its ships and drones display an intimidating power.

Put simply, it was a show of long overdue steadfastness in American support for Taiwan. Also a show of American determination to confront and confuse the Chinese on the Taiwan theatre.

Turn of events show that Biden administration is advancing a closer economic relationship between Taiwan and the United States. This is in line with the bilateral free trade agreement long sought by Taiwan and many of its supporters in the American Congress###   

• The writer is a China watcher and a regular Poreg contributor