by Salman Masood in The Nation, June 27, 2023
In a press conference on Mon­day, Maj Gen Ahmed Shar­if Chaudhry, the DG ISPR, re­vealed the implementation of disciplinary measures against a number of high-ranking mil­itary commanders. The Army has made the decision to dis­miss three senior officers, in­cluding a Lieutenant General, from their positions. Addition­ally, the spokesperson report­ed that three major generals and seven brigadiers’ disci­plinary cases were over.

This action taken against a large number of senior offi­cers is unparalleled in recent decades, with the last instance of bulk punishments occur­ring during a mutiny case.

According to top security of­ficials, no evidence points to an internal coup plotted on May 9. The execution of a coup would have required coordi­nation between the alleged perpetrators and individuals within the GHQ, which was not found. The rumours about three corps commanders teaming up to pressure Army Chief Gen Syed Asim Munir on May 9 or a group of gener­als going to the CJCSC, urging to open a dialogue with Imran Khan are unfounded and part of the disinformation cam­paign, security officials say.

The sacked officers were held accountable for their negligence and failure to act in protecting military instal­lations. Lt Gen Salman Fayaz Ghani, the former Lahore Corps Commander who has been dismissed, received in­structions to enhance securi­ty measures as protesters as­sembled in Lahore.

He opted to permit the mob’s unhindered access into the can­tonment and instructed the guards to stand down. Lt Gen Ghani mistakenly believed that the protesters were merely ex­pressing their anger and would disperse after venting them­selves. However, this proved to be a miscalculation, as the pro­testers not only trespassed on his official residence but also set it ablaze. The general and his family, who were initially offering tea to the mob to calm down, were forced to evacuate hastily from the premises.

The DG ISPR during the press­er stressed that the trial of 102 civilians in military courts will continue, a rebuke and signal to the current Supreme Court pro­ceedings on military trials.

RETIRED BUT ACTIVE

Several retired generals were actively supporting the ‘revival of the project,’ security officials say. One of the retired generals felt that he still had a role to play if Imran Khan made a successful political comeback. He was also tipped to be the next president, or DG ISI. Other generals were sympathetic due to several fac­tors, personal liking for the po­litical leader, hatred for conven­tional political dynasties and being part of ‘the project.’

They proposed a three-pronged strategy, which included:

SUSTAINED DISPLAY OF POPULARITY: Consistently emphasizing the leader’s pop­ularity and relevance through continuous promotion and messaging.

PRESSURING TOP MILI­TARY LEADERSHIP: Engaging in verbal attacks on the army chief, DG ISI, DG C, and sector commanders of Lahore and Is­lamabad, with the intention of creating controversy and po­tentially leading to their remov­al from their positions.

ESCALATION OF CONFLICT: Engaging in violent confron­tations, protests, and attacks on military installations with the aim of compelling the se­nior military leadership to re­spond. The inclusion of casual­ties would have heightened the impact of the campaign.

THE COST OF CONSTANT BRINKSMANSHIP

Once considered a strong­hold of support, the military’s backing played a significant role in Mr. Khan’s ascension to power in 2018. His popularity among military families, who were disenchanted with the corruption of previous civil­ian governments, was evident as they actively participated in his political rallies.

Even after senior generals withdrew their support last year, Mr. Khan maintained considerable backing from the military community, particu­larly veterans. However, the tide has turned, and many vet­erans have distanced them­selves from Mr. Khan.

Retired Brigadier Ashfaq Has­san, who was once a staunch supporter, expressed his disillu­sionment, stating that Mr. Khan is now viewed as an enemy due to his hostile campaign against the Army and its leadership.

Observers note that Mr. Khan’s party was initially pro-establishment, formed to challenge the dominance of po­litical dynasties. It consisted of the urban middle class, mil­itary elites, and the business community, all of whom de­sired stability through military involvement in politics.

Despite initial loyalty, disil­lusionment grew among party members following Mr. Khan’s removal from power last year, exacerbated by the events of May 9 and the subsequent crackdown. Muhammad Zubair, a former governor, explained that the defections stem from a lack of conviction in the cause and an inability to withstand the mounting pressure.

The effects of the crackdown and defections are apparent, with Mr. Khan’s residence in La­hore now appearing desolate. The number of supporters vis­iting has dwindled, leaving him isolated and facing a multitude of legal cases.

His persistent antagonistic approach towards the Army Chief and top generals, even after their support, surprised many, considering the upcom­ing elections and his favourable standing in surveys.

Mr. Khan’s failure to nurture a positive relationship with the new chief and his unwarranted attacks on the military, instead of focusing on the ruling coali­tion’s mismanagement of the economy, raised eyebrows, Mr. Zubair noted.

This strained dynamic pro­vided an opportunity for those waiting to strike back, ulti­mately trapping Mr. Khan in a precarious position.

Currently, the outlook appears very bleak for Imran Khan.
https://www.nation.com.pk/27-Jun-2023/major-shakeup-in-pakistan-s-military