During President Pervez Musharraf’s rule, the Press was often viewed with skepticism, with civil society perturbed by the hold Musharraf wielded over the media. Along with the fight for an independent judiciary, the civil society fought for a free press. In March 2008, Pakistan ushered in a democratic government and with it, a supposedly free press.

Frankly, the notion of a free press is rather misleading in the context of Pakistan. While the media does not hesitate to criticize the government, it continues to be controlled by a few powerful individuals who pledge their allegiance to various political factions or the military. As a result, media organisations in Pakistan are found to be the ‘unofficial’ mouthpiece of politicians and leading personalities – publishing rhetoric which is often biased and with a strong anti-India leaning. The anti-India sentiment echoed by political and religious elite is as old as the country itself. Yet, it is the media which has enabled this minority to reach out to the masses and create a wave of hysteria.

PAK PRESS TODAY

Pakistan’s media has been critical of the government with regards to domestic politics and their relationship with the US – often condemning Islamabad’s failure to revive the economy and address pressing domestic concerns. Nonetheless, the media has rarely faulted, let alone questioned the government and the military with regards to ties with Delhi. More often that not, both liberal and conservative media carry stories and editorials which depict India in a negative light. The propaganda is often focused on a select few issues, which are repeatedly stated in various forms and to different degrees of severity.

The primary focus of the media is with regards to the Kashmir dispute; India’s failure to accept Pakistan’s existence and; India’s nexus with Israel and the US, with the aim of asserting India’s regional dominance. It is important to note that within the larger framework, are a myriad of smaller, arguably more pertinent issues, which are repeatedly voiced by the media to show how India does not want a Pakistani state.

In analysing each of these issues separately, we are able to see how the Pakistan press is a powerful medium by which politicians, the military, religious leaders, right-wing leaders and media personalities themselves, are able to not only voice their opinion, but more importantly, reach out to the masses and create a wave of anti-India hysteria, which often diverts from the more vital domestic issues of a weak economy, high inflation, rising unemployment, deteriorating law and order and increasing poverty amongst others.

The Kashmir dispute is an issue, which to a large degree, forms the basis of Pakistan’s identity. From Muhammad Ali Jinnah describing it as the ‘jugular vein’ of Pakistan, to the current crop of military and political leaders pledging their allegiance to the cause – Kashmir has always lent a sense of legitimacy and direction to Pakistan’s ruling elite. By that token, the media has been quick to appreciate the sentiment aroused at the mention of Kashmir – latching on to the issue in a bid to malign India and reinforce the authority of those in power.

From the Jang to Ausaf, Daily Pak, Nawa-i-Waqt, Jinnah, Al-Qalam, Ummat and Jasarat, most Urdu papers in Pakistan have openly condemned India’s ‘occupation’ of Kashmir. Reports of the dispute often focus on the alleged atrocities and human rights violations committed against Kashmiris by the Indian Army. The Indian forces in Jammu & Kashmir are often blamed for dishonoring women, illegally holding Kashmiri youth captive, killing people and burying them in mass graves and, not adhering to the UN resolutions and granting Kashmiri’s the right to self determination.

In addition, the Government of India is targeted for its draconian laws in Jammu & Kashmir, with politicians and militants alike, looking towards jihad as the only viable option. The likes of Hafiz Saeed of Jamaat–ud- Dawa, Majid Nizami of the Nawa-i-Waqt Group, Barrister Sultan Mehmood, a former AJK-PM, and former ISI Chief Hamid Gul regularly harp on Kashmir to reinforce their claims of India being determined to forcefully maintain control over the state.

In conjunction with the Kashmir issue, politicians and religious/ conservative leaders often use the media to ‘attack’ India with regards to its acts of ‘water aggression’ against Pakistan. India is often cited as being the cause of Pakistan’s water crisis, with allegations of New Delhi constructing 62 illegal dams along Kashmiri Rivers flowing into Pakistan.

Majid Nizami, Hafiz Saeed and Hamid Gul and the like have often called for nuclear war against India in a bid to secure Pakistan’s water resources, adding that war has been “imposed” on Pakistan by the actions of India.

Furthermore, India is often accused of conspiring against Pakistan with the aim of drying up the country and depriving its agricultural economy of water. News reports often look to reinforce such claims by providing statistics of dwindling water levels in the country’s major dams.

Such allegations are undoubtedly a matter of concern given that Urdu is the most widely spoken language, and that the Urdu press constitutes an important medium for Pakistani people to follow political developments. What is arguably more disturbing is that such reports are skewed and biased, quite often devoid fact but dipped in myth.

Pakistan’s water crisis is largely an internal matter between Sindh and Punjab, with each province accusing the other of taking their share of water. In addition, the impact of climate change on rainfall patterns, glaciers and river flow has been given little if any media coverage, not to mention the government’s gross mismanagement of water resources and infrastructure.

Such reports are in effect a means to cover for the inadequacies of Pakistan’s government. However, with the average man in Pakistan not privy to alternative sources of information, news featured in the Urdu press is taken as accurate and the truth.

The second issue extensively covered in Pakistan press, is India’s failure to accept Pakistan’s existence and its attempts to divide the country. The Jang newspaper, which is considered to be more liberal th
an other Urdu news sources, is one of many media organisations which carry reports to the tune that India is intent on destroying Pakistan.

Hamid Mir, a regular columnist for the paper, has written extensively on India’s intentions to start a conventional war with Pakistan, with the aim of taking over its nuclear weapons.

Another Urdu publication, Al Qalam has reported India’s plans to “eliminate Pakistan from the world map by 2020”. These reports often refer to excerpts from various sources to allege that the Indian government and army are looking to breakup Pakistan. Furthermore, the role of RA&W is often under the scanner, with reports regularly citing the agency’s role in training Hindu extremists and Afghans to carry out subversive activities inside Pakistan. Also, these reports talk of Indian agents receiving training from 16 Indian consulates in Afghanistan, with the aim of carrying out terrorist acts in Balochistan and other parts of Pakistan.

As with the Kashmir issue, these reports are often backed by serving members of Pakistan’s government– lending a degree of legitimacy in the eyes of the public. Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik has not shied from implicating or suggesting India’s involvement in sectarian clashes and terrorist attacks – the most recent being the suicide bombing of the Special Investigation Agency (SIA) building in Lahore. That he had egg on his face with the Taliban claiming responsibility for SIA attack may be his occupational hazard.

The point is accusations by serving representatives of Pakistan’s government carry significant weightage, particularly as they are privy to inside track and are perceived as responsible figures.  Rehman Malik’s comments, for instance, are rarely retracted by him or questioned by the Prime Minister, President and other politicians. The silence of the leadership of ruling People’s Party of Pakistan (PPP) can be regarded as a tacit approval of the views – an important aspect in the larger scheme of things, given that a lack of debate or deviation from the truth, will fuel nation-wide anti-India sentiment.

More importantly, the role of the media in such instances is integral towards creating opinion and swaying public perception. The Lahore attack, for instance, was claimed by Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP); yet few editorials in the Urdu Press chose to examine TTP’s role or question Rehman Malik’s allegations. The media’s silence undoubtedly contributes towards leaving an indelible mark on the psyche of the average Pakistani – with the last spoken word often forming the basis of opinion.

Anti-India rhetoric featuring in the press often returns to India’s role in dividing Pakistan and creating Bangladesh. This period of Pakistan’s history is regarded as a humiliating chapter and one of the primary factors driving the Jihadi movement against India.

Nawa-i-Waqt, which in several ways should be considered the unofficial mouthpiece for Jamaat-ud-Dawa, frequently reports on Hafiz Saeed’s speeches. In one of several instances, Saeed has cited the formation of Bangladesh and the demolition of the Babri Masjid as two significant historical issues which resulted in the Jihadi movement. The daily’s Editor-in-Chief, Majid Nizami, and JuD leader, Abdul Rahman Makki, often echo Saeed’s views.

Nizami, a stalwart of Pakistan’s media business has used his publication to openly declare India as Pakistan’s “number one” enemy. He has called on people to wage jihad against India and to blow up its dams. He has repeatedly said that he would be willing to wear a nuclear bomb and detonate it in India.

An indication of the popularity of Majid Nizami and the respect he commands is evident from his close relations with military and political leadership of the country; the support his rallies and seminars receive from the public and; the high esteem his contemporaries such as the Editor-in-Chief of Jinnah, Khushnood Ali Khan, hold him with.

Now, for the third issue of ‘a nexus’ between India, Israel and America. This is arguably the most complex and recent attempt by Pakistan’s political and military circles to utilize the media as a means to propagate anti-India sentiment.

Urdu papers describe Pakistan’s nuclear capability as the weapons and pride of the Muslim world. They also speak of India collaborating with Israel and the US to take control of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, in addition to securing Kashmir and, obtaining a large role in Afghanistan.

Pakistan’s nuclear weapons are seen as the pride of the Ummah and any attempt by an outside force to take control of them is reported as an attack on Islam. As mentioned, the Kashmir issue is integral to Pakistan’s identity, and reports of Israeli involvement in helping India secure the state are often accompanied by strong anti-Indian and anti-Semitic editorials, particularly in Nawa-i-Waqt, Jinnah and Al-Qalam.

Similarly, while Pakistan has always associated Afghanistan as being within its sphere of influence, news reports across the Urdu dailies depict a scenario of growing Indian influence at the expense of Islamabad’s interests. From India establishing consulates, to 30,000 Indian troops being stationed on Afghan soil, and, National Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon being given precedence over Pak army chief, Pervez Kayani in meetings with the Afghan leadership – the Urdu press has not hesitated to paint a picture of growing Indian dominance in the region.

Reports of conspiracies between India, Israel and America against Pakistan fuel the debate, with the latter two countries opposed for their reportedly anti-Islamic and anti-Palestinian views and drone attacks inside Pakistan.

IMPLICATIONS

Pakistan’s media is overwhelmingly anti-India in its reporting, as is evident from the various news reports and editorials in the Urdu dailies. However, what is clearly not evident is the other side of the media’s influence, which is arguably just as important. Several of the country’s popular newspapers run TV channels or present talk shows on TV, enabling them to reach out to a larger audience.

Jang in collaboration with GEO TV hosts ‘Aaj Kamran Khan Ke Sath’, ‘Mere Mutabiq’ and ‘Capital Talk’ – all of which are popular programmes hosted by leading personalities like Kamaran Khan and Hamid Mir. These programs invite politicians to voice their opinions on various matters – several of which will have a direct impact on the viewers mind.

Senior columnists and editors are often invited by politicians and leaders to hold joint press conferences and seminars – lending further credence to the voice of the politicians.

Nawa-i-Waqt regularly organises public conferences and lectures with religious and political leaders. Se
veral of the speakers voice anti-India rhetoric which is given widespread coverage in Nawa-i-Waqt itself as also other papers. Editors such as Majid Nizami have used such platforms to take it upon themselves to educate the young generation of Pakistan on the “true” facts of partition and Kashmir. Nizami’s popularity is unquestionable, with his gatherings often attended by former military leaders.

Many political and religious parties run their own newspapers as their captive platforms. Jamaat Islami uses Jasarat as a means to voice the opinion of Syed Munawar Hasan – a leader who often discusses India’s role in Kashmir and the water dispute.

Prior to its ban, Jamaat-ud-Dawa had its own newspaper to carry the sermons of Hafiz Saeed; just as Mullah Masood Azhar uses Al Qalam. All this makes it hard to differentiate between a truly free and responsible media and, a media designed to serve the needs of a chosen few.

The analysis thus far presents the case of how Pakistan’s media is a dynamic entity, capable of influencing public perception through its large, unchallenged presence. Serving as the unofficial mouthpiece for various factions of Pakistan’s elite, the media represents an integral part of the power structure. Rather than serving as a democratic means to check the separation of power, the media in Pakistan colludes with the various branches to drive their agendas and distort facts.

Admittedly, Pakistan represents an unusual case, whereby the country’s domestic failings are often overlooked as a result of the attention directed towards a neighbour. Political, military and religious leadership subscribes to the notion that drawing all the country’s problems towards India diverts attention from the reality of the situation. As the study shows, the media follows the lead with all its vast reach to sway public opinion.